It is difficult to predict what will happen if Congressional division is subdivided in a strict geographical way. Whether through political procedures in the Legislature or simple geographical mapping, the main problem is to periodically assess the fairness of regional routes.
Another respondent suggested that all areas enhance competitiveness, while eliminating "safe" fields dominated by other political parties. However, the opposite effect may also occur, and the strict geographical boundary may account for the majority of the areas dominated by certain political parties. Alternatively, over time, the population composition of these geographical areas may change and the original fairness of the process may not be effective.
The fact that the regional lines must be adjusted occasionally means that in the absence of periodic review, there is a possibility that the voting territory will settle and hinder competition. A groundbreaking incident on the voting area is Baker v. Carr (1962), which includes the voting area of ​​Tennessee. Plaintiff Charles Baker believes that voting areas that have not been repainted since 1901 are highly biased towards rural areas, and since then the city center has expanded significantly. Then Joe Carr became Secretary of State of Tennessee and named the provincial legislature voting territory. The Supreme Court ruled that the voting area is not only a political issue determined by Congress but also judged by the Federal Court to determine its fairness.
So this is not a question of whether the political process or the strict geographical mapping process is being used. Most importantly, the fairness of regional routes is regularly being evaluated. Recently, in some state legislatures under the rule of a party, the problem of redefining the boundaries of the region has emerged again in the lawsuit, so we are trying to maintain the party's continuing important position. This political process is not appropriate. If exact geographical mapping produces similar noncompetitive results, it will also be an unfair form.
In most states the Legislature is primarily managing the subdivision process of Legislative and Congress districts. 37 state councils mainly manage their regional routes, and 42 parliaments mainly manage state parliamentary lines (including five states including only one parliamentary district). In most states the regional route passes like a normal law and each parliament has a majority voting right, but the governor can refuse. Both Connecticut and Maine are seeking approval from the majority of people (two-thirds of each house) for re-partitioning plans. The above five provinces (Connecticut, Florida, Maryland, Mississippi, and North Carolina) set regional routes through a joint resolution without the possibility of governor veto.
Member countries are being asked to subdivide them through the Independent Committee, not by party system. Congress is now fascinated by the parliament area in 37 states. Two political parties in Alaska, Arizona, California, Idaho, Montana and Washington are mixed in red and blue, but the independent committee is used in six states. (Currently there are only one Congressional district in the seven provinces, so it will not be affected by legislation unless the population grows enough to secure multiple regions.)
"Fair representative law" will be "the most comprehensive way to change Parliamentary elections in American history".
After the census results are announced, the parliaments in each state will reclassify the parliament area. The exact boundaries of these areas are many political struggles, field warfare, tooth matting problems. Justice: Judges in state courts interpret state law. Some countries elect a judge of the court or the appellate court, others do not. In some states, judicial reserves or dismissals are allowed by referendums, but the appointment of judges by the parties is not allowed. Whether you can play a role in judge's choice depends on your state law